Friday, November 7, 2008

Intolerant Forged Dissent Heroically Resisted!

This was an address given 11 June 2008 at the American Academy of FertilityCare Professionals (AAFCP) 27th Annual Metting in Rome: "Celebrating the 40th Anniversary of Humanae Vitae and 30 Years of Education Program Support from Creighton University School of Medicine" 11-14 June 2008. It was later published in the L'Osservatore Romano for the 40th Anniversary of Humanae Vitae 25 July 2008.


Humanae Vitae
The Year of the Peirasmòs - 1968
By Cardinal James Francis Stafford



“Lead us not into temptation” is the sixth petition of the Our Father. Πειρασμός (Peirasmòs), the Greek word used in this passage for ‘temptation.’, means a trial or test. Disciples petition God to be protected against the supreme test of ungodly powers. The trial is related to Jesus’s cup in Gethsemane, the same cup which his disciples would also taste (Mk 10: 35-45). The dark side of the interior of the cup is an abyss. It reveals the awful consequences of God’s judgment upon sinful humanity. In August, 1968, the weight of the evangelical Πειρασμός fell on many priests, including myself.

It was the year of the bad war, of complex innocence that sanctified the shedding of blood. English historian Paul Johnson dubs 1968 as the year of “America’s Suicide Attempt.” It included the Tet offensive in Vietnam with its tsunami-like effects in American life and politics, the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. in Memphis, Tennessee; the tumult in American cities on Palm Sunday weekend; and the June assassination of Senator Robert F. Kennedy in southern California. It was also the year in which Pope Paul VI issued his encyclical letter on transmitting human life, Humanae Vitae (HV). He met immediate, premeditated, and unprecedented opposition from some American theologians and pastors. By any measure 1968 was a bitter cup.

On the fortieth anniversary of Humanae Vitae, I have been asked to reflect on one event of that year, the doctrinal dissent among some priests and theologians in an American Archdiocese on the occasion of its publication. It is not an easy or welcome task. But since it may help some followers of Jesus to live what Pope Paul VI called a more “disciplined” life (HV 21), I will explore that event.

The summer of 1968 is a record of God’s hottest hour. The memories are not forgotten; they are painful. They remain vivid like a tornado in the plains of Colorado. They inhabit the whirlwind where God’s wrath dwells. In 1968 something terrible happened in the Church. Within the ministerial priesthood ruptures developed everywhere among friends which never healed. And the wounds continue to affect the whole Church. The dissent, together with the leaders’ manipulation of the anger they fomented, became a supreme test. It changed fundamental relationships within the Church. It was a Πειρασμός for many.

Some background material is necessary. Cardinal Lawrence J. Shehan, the sixth Archbishop of Baltimore, was my ecclesiastical superior at the time. Pope Paul VI had appointed him along with others as additional members to the Papal Commission for the Study of Problems of the Family, Population, and Birth Rates, first established by Blessed Pope John XXIII in 1963 during the II Vatican Council. There had been discussions and delays and unauthorized interim reports from Rome prior to 1968. The enlarged Commission was asked to make recommendations on these issues to the Pope.

In preparation for its deliberations, the Cardinal sent confidential letters to various persons of the Church of Baltimore seeking their advice. I received such a letter.

My response drew upon experience, both personal and pastoral. Family and education had given me a Christian understanding of sex. The profoundly Catholic imagination of my family, friends and teachers had caused me to be open to this reality; I was filled with wonder before its mystery. Theological arguments weren’t necessary to convince me of the binding connection between sexual acts and new life. That truth was an accepted part of life at the elementary school connected with St. Joseph’s Passionist Monastery Parish in Baltimore. In my early teens my father had first introduced me to the full meaning of human sexuality and the need for discipline. His intervention opened a path through the labyrinth of adolescence.

Through my family, schools, and parishes I became friends with many young women. Some of them I dated on a regular basis. I marveled at their beauty. The courage of St. Maria Goretti, canonized in 1950, struck my generation like an intense mountain storm. Growing into my later teens I understood better how complex friendship with young women could be. They entered the spring-time of my life like the composite rhythm of a poem. To my surprise, the joy of being their friend was enriched by prayer, modesty, and the Sacraments of Penance and the Eucharist.

Later education and formation in seminaries built upon those experiences. In a 1955 letter to a friend, Flannery O’Connor describes the significance of the virtue of purity for many Catholics at that time. “To see Christ as God and man is probably no more difficult today than it has been. ... For you it may be a matter of not being able to accept what you call a suspension of the law of the flesh and the physical, but for my part I think that when I know what the laws of the flesh and physical reality really are, then I will know what God is. We know them as we see them, not as God sees them. For me it is the virgin birth, the Incarnation, the resurrection which are the true laws of the flesh and the physical. Death, decay, destruction are the suspension of these laws. I am always astonished at the emphasis the Church places on the body. It is not the soul she says that will rise but the body, glorified. I have always thought that purity was the most mysterious of the virtues, but it occurs to me that it would never have entered human consciousness if we were not to look forward to a resurrection of the body, which will be flesh and spirit united in peace, in the way they were in Christ. The resurrection of Christ seems the high point in the law of nature.” O’Connor’s theology with its remarkably eschatological mark anticipates the teaching of the II Vatican Council, “The truth is that only in the mystery of the incarnate Word does the mystery of man take on light” (Gaudium et Spes 22). In those years, I could not have used her explicit words to explain where I stood on sexuality and its use. Once I discovered them she became a spiritual sister.

Eight years of priestly ministry from 1958 to 1966 in Washington and Baltimore broadened my experience. It didn’t take long to discover changes in Americans’ attitudes towards the virtue of purity. Both cities were undergoing sharp increases in out-of-wedlock pregnancies. The rate in Baltimore’s inner-city was about 18% in 1966 and had been climbing for several years. In 1965-1966 the Baltimore Metropolitan Health and Welfare Council undertook a study to advise the city government in how to address the issue. At that time, the Board members of the Council, including myself, had uncritical faith in experts and social research. Even the II Vatican Council had expressed unfettered confidence in the role of benevolent experts (Gaudium et Spes 57). Not one of my professional acquaintances anticipated the crisis of trust which was just around the corner in the relations between men and women. Our vision was incapable of establishing conditions of justice and of purity of heart in which wonder and appreciation can find play. We were already anachronistic and without hope. We ignored the texture of life.

There were signs even then of the disasters facing children, both born and unborn. As a caseworker and priest throughout the 1960's, part of my ministry involved counseling inner-city families and single parents. My first awareness of a parishioner using hard drugs was in 1961. A sixteen-year old had been jailed in Anne Arundel County, Maryland. At the time of my late afternoon visit to him, he was experiencing drug withdrawal unattended and alone in a tiny cell. His screams filled the corridors and adjoining cells. Through the iron bars dividing us, I was horror-stricken watching him in his torment. The abyss he was looking into was unimaginably terrifying. In this drugged youth writhing in agony on the floor next to an open toilet I saw the bitter fruits of the estrangement of men and women. His mother, separated from her husband, lived with her younger children in a sweltering third floor flat on Light St. in old South Baltimore. The father was non-existent for them. The failure of men in their paternal and spousal roles was unfolding before my eyes and ears. Since then more and more American men have refused to accept responsibility for their sexuality.

In a confidential letter responding to his request, I shared in a general fashion these concerns. My counsel to Cardinal Shehan was very real and specific. I had taken a hard, cold look at what I was experiencing and what the Church and society were doing. I came across an idea which was elliptical: the gift of love should be allowed to be fruitful. These two fixed points are constant. This simple idea lit up everything like lightning in a storm. I wrote about it more formally to the Cardinal: the unitive and procreative meanings of marriage cannot be separated. Consequently, to deprive a conjugal act deliberately of its fertility is intrinsically wrong. To encourage or approve such an abuse would lead to the eclipse of fatherhood and to disrespect for women. Since then, Pope John Paul II has given us the complementary and superlative insight into the nuptial meaning of the human body. Decades afterwards, I came across an analogous reading from Meister Eckhart: “Gratitude for the gift is shown only by allowing it to make one fruitful.”

Some time later, the Papal Commission sent its recommendations to the Pope. The majority advised that the Church’s teaching on contraception be changed in light of new circumstances. Cardinal Shehan was part of that majority. Even before the encyclical had been signed and issued, his vote had been made public although not on his initiative.

As we know, the Pope decided otherwise. This sets the scene for the tragic drama following the actual date of the publication of the encyclical letter on July 29, 1968.

In his memoirs, Cardinal Shehan describes the immediate reaction of some priests in Washington to the encyclical. “[A]fter receiving the first news of the publication of the encyclical, the Rev. Charles E. Curran, instructor of moral theology of The Catholic University of America, flew back to Washington from the West where he had been staying. Late [on the afternoon of July 29], he and nine other professors of theology of the Catholic University met, by evident prearrangement, in Caldwell Hall to receive, again by prearrangement with the Washington Post, the encyclical, part by part, as it came from the press. The story further indicated that by nine o’clock that night, they had received the whole encyclical, had read it, had analyzed it, criticized it, and had composed their six-hundred word ‘Statement of Dissent.’ Then they began that long series of telephone calls to ‘theologians’ throughout the East, which went on, according to the Post, until 3:30 A.M., seeking authorization, to attach their names as endorsers (signers was the term used) of the statement, although those to whom they had telephoned could not have had an opportunity to see either the encyclical or their statement. Meanwhile, they had arranged through one of the local television stations to have the statement broadcast that night.”

The Cardinal’s judgment was scornful. In 1982 he wrote, “The first thing that we have to note about the whole performance is this: so far as I have been able to discern, never in the recorded history of the Church has a solemn proclamation of a Pope been received by any group of Catholic people with so much disrespect and contempt.”

The personal Πειρασμός, the test, began. In Baltimore in early August, 1968, a few days after the encyclical’s issuance, I received an invitation by telephone from a recently ordained assistant pastor to attend a gathering of some Baltimore priests at the rectory of St. William of York parish in southwest Baltimore to discuss the encyclical. The meeting was set for Sunday evening, August 4. I agreed to come. Eventually a large number of priests were gathered in the rectory’s basement. I knew them all.

The dusk was clear, hot, and humid. The quarters were cramped. We were seated on rows of benches and chairs and were led by a diocesan inner-city pastor well known for his work in liturgy and race-relations. There were also several Sulpician priests present from St. Mary’s Seminary in Baltimore to assist him in directing the meeting. I don’t recall their actual number.

My expectations of the meeting proved unrealistic. I had hoped that we had been called together to receive copies of the encyclical and to discuss it. I was mistaken. Neither happened.

After welcoming us and introducing the leadership, the inner-city pastor came to the point. He expected each of us to subscribe to the Washington “Statement of Dissent.” Mixing passion with humor, he explained the reasons. They ranged from the maintenance of the credibility of the Church among the laity to the need to allow ‘flexibility’ for married couples in forming their consciences on the use of artificial contraceptives. Before our arrival, the conveners had decided that the Baltimore priests’ rejection of the papal encyclical would be published the following morning in The Baltimore Sun, one of the daily newspapers.

The Washington statement was read aloud. Then the leader asked each of us to agree to have our names attached to it. No time was allowed for discussion, reflection, or prayer. Each priest was required individually to give a verbal “yes” or “no.”

I could not sign it. My earlier letter to Cardinal Shehan came to mind. I remained convinced of the truth of my judgement and conclusions. Noting that my seat was last in the packed basement, I listened to each priest’s response, hoping for support. It didn’t materialize. Everyone agreed to sign. There were no abstentions. As the last called upon, I felt isolated. The basement became suffocating.

By now it was night. The room was charged with tension. Something epochal was taking place. It became clear that the leaders’ strategy had been carefully mapped out beforehand. It was moving along without a hitch. Their rhetorical skills were having their anticipated effect. They had planned carefully how to exert what amounted to emotional and intellectual coercion. Violence by overt manipulation was new to the Baltimore presbyterate.
The leader’s reaction to my refusal was predictable and awful. The whole process now became a grueling struggle, a terrible test, a Πειρασμος. The priest/leader, drawing upon some scatological language from his Marine Corp past in the II World War responded contemptuously to my decision. He tried to force me to change. He became visibly angry and verbally abusive. The underlying, ‘fraternal’ violence became more evident. He questioned and then derided my integrity. He taunted me to risk my ecclesiastical ‘future,’ although his reference was more anatomically specific. The abuse went on.

With surprising coherence I was eventually able to respond that the Pope’s encyclical deserved the courtesy of a reading. None of us had read it. I continued that, as a matter of fact, I agreed with and accepted the Pope’s teaching as it had been reported in the public media. That response elicited more ridicule. Otherwise there was silence. Finally, seeing that I would remain firm, the ex-Marine moved on to complete the business and adjourn the meeting. The leaders then prepared a statement for the next morning’s daily paper.

The meeting ended. I sped out of there, free but disoriented. Once outside the darkness encompassed me. We all had been subjected to a new thing in the Church, something unexpected. A pastor and several seminary professors had abused rhetoric to undermine the truth within the evangelical community. When opposed, they assumed the role of Job’s friends. Their contempt became a nightmare. In the night it seemed that God’s blind hand was reaching out to touch my face.

The dissent of a few Sulpician seminary professors compounded my disorientation. In their ancient Baltimore Seminary I had first caught on to the connection between freedom, interiority, and obedience. By every ecclesial measure they should have been aware that the process they supported that evening exceeded the “norms of licit dissent.” But they showed no concern for the gravity of that theological and pastoral moment. They saw nothing unbecoming in the mix of publicity and theology. They expressed no impatience then or later over the coercive nature of the August meeting. Nor did any of the other priests present. One diocesan priest did request privately later that night that his name be removed before the statement’s publication in the morning paper.

For a long time, I wondered about the meaning of the event. It was a cataclysm which was difficult to survive intact. Things were sorted out slowly. Later, Henri de Lubac captured some of its significance, “Nothing is more opposed to witness than vulgarization. Nothing is more unlike the apostolate than propaganda.” Hannah Arendt’s insights have been useful concerning the dangerous poise of 20th century western culture between unavoidable doom and reckless optimism. “It should be possible to discover the hidden mechanics by which all traditional elements of our political and spiritual world were dissolved into a conglomeration of where everything seems to have lost specific value, and has become unrecognizable for human comprehension, unusable for human purpose. To yield to the mere process of disintegration has become an irresistible temptation, not only because it has assumed the spurious grandeur of ‘historical necessity’, but also because everything outside it has begun to appear lifeless, bloodless, meaningless and unreal”. The subterranean world that has always accompanied Catholic communities, called Gnosticism by our ancestors, had again surfaced and attempted to usurp the truth of the Catholic tradition.

An earlier memory from April 1968 helped to shed further light on what had happened in August, 1968 along with de Lubac’s words about violence and Arendt’s insights into the breaking point reached by Western civilization in the 20th century. During the height of the 1968 Baltimore riots following the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., I had made an emergency call to that same inner-city pastor who would lead the later August meeting. It was one of numerous telephone conversations I had with inner-city pastors during the night preceding Palm Sunday. At the request of the city government, I was asking whether the pastors or their people, both beleaguered, might need food, medical assistance, or other help.

My conversation with him that April night was by far the most dramatic. He described the view from the rectory while speaking on the phone. A window framed a dissolving neighborhood; his parish was becoming a raging inferno. He said, “From here I see nothing but fire burning everywhere. Everything has been set ablaze. The Church and rectory are untouched thus far.” He did not wish to leave or be evacuated. His voice betrayed disillusionment and fear. Later we learned that the parish buildings survived.

‘Sorting out’ these two events of violence continued throughout the following months and years. The trajectories of April and August 1968 unpredictably converged. Memories of the physical violence in the city in April 1968 helped me to name what had happened in August 1968. Ecclesial dissent can become a kind of spiritual violence in its form and content. A new, unsettling insight emerged. Violence and truth don’t mix. When expressive violence of whatever sort is inflicted upon truth, the resulting irony is lethal.

What do I mean? Look at the results of the two events. After the violent 1968 Palm Sunday weekend, civil dialogue in metropolitan Baltimore broke down and came to a stop. It took a back seat to open anger and recriminations between whites and blacks. The violence of the priests’ August gathering gave rise to its own ferocious acrimony. Conversations among the clergy, where they existed, became contaminated with fear. Suspicions among priests were chronic. Fears abounded. And they continue. The Archdiocesan priesthood lost something of the fraternal whole which Baltimore priests had known for generations. 1968 marked the hiatus of the generational communio of the Archdiocesan presbyterate, which had been continually reinforced by the seminary and its Sulpician faculty. Priests’ fraternity had been wounded. Pastoral dissent had attacked the Eucharistic foundation of the Church. Its nuptial significance had been denied. Some priests saw bishops as nothing more than Roman mannequins.

Something else happened among priests on that violent August night. Friendship in the Church sustained a direct hit. Jesus, by calling those who were with him his ‘friends,’ had made friendship a privileged analogy of the Church. That analogy became obscured after a large number of priests expressed shame over their leaders and repudiated their teaching.

Cardinal Shehan later reported that on Monday morning, August 5, he “was startled to read in the Baltimore Sun that seventy-two priests of the Baltimore area had signed the Statement of Dissent.” What he later called “the years of crisis” began for him during that hot, violent August evening in 1968.

But that night was not a total loss. The test was unexpected and unwelcome. Its unhinging consequences continue. Abusive, coercive dissent has become a reality in the Church and subjects her to violent, debilitating, unproductive, chronic controversies. But I did discover something new. Others also did. When the moment of Christian witness came, no Christian could be coerced who refused to be. Despite the novelty of being treated as an object of shame and ridicule, I did not become “ashamed of the Gospel” that night and found “sweet delight in what is right.” It was not a bad lesson. Ecclesial obedience ran the distance.

My discovery that Christ was the first to despise shame was gut-rending in its existential and providential reality. “Let us run with perseverance the race that is set before us, looking to Jesus the pioneer and perfecter of our faith, who for the joy that was set before him endured the cross, despising the shame.” Paradoxically, in the hot, August night a new sign shown unexpectedly on the path to future life. It read, “Jesus learned obedience through what he suffered.”

The violence of the initial disobedience was only a prelude to further and more pervasive violence. Priests wept at meetings over the manipulation of their brothers. Contempt for the truth, whether aggressive or passive, has become common in Church life. Dissenting priests, theologians and laypeople have continued their coercive techniques. From the beginning the press has used them to further its own serpentine agenda.

All of this led to a later discovery. Discernment is an essential part of episcopal ministry. With the grace of “the governing Spirit” the discerning skills of a bishop should mature. Episcopal attention should focus on the break/rupture initiated by Jesus and described by St. Paul in his response to Corinthian dissenters. “You desire proof that Christ is speaking in me. He is not weak in dealing with you, but is powerful in you. For he was crucified in weakness, but lives by the power of God. For we are weak in him, but in dealing with you we shall live with him by the power of God. Examine yourselves, to see whether you are holding to your faith. Test yourselves” (2 Cor 13: 3-5).

The rupture of the violent death of Jesus has changed our understanding of the nature of God. His Trinitarian life is essentially self-surrender and love. By Baptism, every disciple of Jesus is imprinted with that Trinitarian water-mark. The Incarnate Word came to do the will of him who sent him. Contemporary obedience of disciples to the Successor of Peter cannot be separated from the poverty of spirit and purity of heart modeled and won by the Word on the Cross.

A brief after word. In 1978 or thereabouts during an episcopal visitation to his parish, I was having lunch with the Baltimore pastor, the ex-Marine, who led the August 1968 meeting. I was a guest in his rectory. He was still formidable. Our conversation was about his parish, the same parish he had been shepherding during the 1968 riots. The atmosphere was amiable. During the simple meal in the kitchen I came to an uneasy decision. Since we had never discussed the August 1968 night, I decided to initiate a conversation about it. My recall was brief, objective and, insofar as circumstances allowed, unthreatening. I had hoped for some light from him on an event which had become central to the experience of many priests including myself. While my mind and heart were recalling the events of the night, he remained silent. His silence continued afterwards. Even though he had not forgotten, he made no comment. He didn’t lift his eyes. His heart’s fire was colder now.

Nothing was forthcoming. I left the matter there. No dialogue was possible in 1968; it remained impossible in 1978. There was no common ground. Both of us were looking into an abyss - from opposite sides. Anguish and disquiet overwhelmed the distant hope of reconciliation and friendship. We never returned to the subject again. He has since died while serving a large suburban parish. The only remaining option is to strike my breast and pray, “Lord, remember the secret worth of all our human worthlessness”

Diocesan presbyterates have not recovered from the July/August nights in 1968. Many in consecrated life also failed the evangelical test. Since January 2002, the abyss has opened up elsewhere. The whole people of God, including children and adolescents, now must look into the abyss and see what dread beasts are at its bottom. Each of us shudders before the wrath of God, each weeps in sorrow for our sins and each begs for the Father’s merciful remembrance of Christ’s obedience.

J. Francis Cardinal Stafford
Major Penitentiary of the Apostolic Penitentiary

Thursday, November 6, 2008

ADDRESS OF HIS HOLINESS BENEDICT XVI TO PARTICIPANTS AT THE SIXTH EUROPEAN SYMPOSIUM FOR UNIVERSITY PROFESSORS
Clementine HallSaturday, 7 June 2008

Your Eminence, Venerable Brothers in the Episcopate and in the Priesthood, Illustrious Professors,
For me it is a motive of profound joy to meet you on the occasion of the Sixth European Symposium for University Professors on the theme: "Widen the horizons of rationality. Perspectives for Philosophy" promoted by the Professors of the Universities of Rome and organized by the Office for Campus Ministry of the Vicariate of Rome in collaboration with the regional and provincial Institutions and the Municipality of Rome. I thank Cardinal Camillo Ruini and Prof. Cesare Mirabelli who have interpreted your sentiments, and I address my cordial welcome to all those present.
In continuity with last year's European meeting of university Lecturers, your Symposium takes up a very important academic and cultural theme. I would like to express my gratitude to the organizing committee for this choice which permits us, among other things, to celebrate the 10th anniversary of the publication of the Encyclical Letter Fides et Ratio of my beloved Predecessor Pope John Paul II. Already on that occasion 50 civil and ecclesial philosophy professors of the public and pontifical universities of Rome manifested their gratitude to the Pope with a declaration which confirmed the urgency of relaunching the study of philosophy in universities and schools. Sharing this concern and encouraging fruitful collaboration among the professors of various Roman and European athenaeums, I wish to address a particular invitation to philosophy professors to continue with confidence in philosophical research, investing intellectual energy and involving new generations in this task.
The events which took place in the last 10 years since the Encyclical's publication have further delineated the historical and cultural scene in which philosophical research is called to enter. Indeed, the crisis of modernity is not synonymous with the decline in philosophy; instead philosophy must commit itself to a new path of research to comprehend the true nature of this crisis (cf. Address to European Meeting of University Lecturers, 23 June 2007) and to identify new prospectives toward which to be oriented. Modernity, if well understood, reveals an "anthropological question" that presents itself in a much more complex and articulated way than what has taken place in the philosophical reflections of the last centuries, above all in Europe. Without diminishing the attempts made, much still remains to be probed and understood. Modernity is not simply a cultural phenomenon, historically dated; in reality it implies a new planning, a more exact understanding of human nature. It is not difficult to gather from the writings of authoritative thinkers an honest reflection on the difficulties that arise in the resolution of this prolonged crisis. Giving credit to some authors' proposals in regard to religions and in particular to Christianity, is an evident sign of the sincere desire to exist from the self-sufficiency of philosophical reflection.
From the beginning of my Pontificate I have listened attentively to the requests that reach me from the men and women of our time and, in view of their expectations, I have wished to offer a pointer for research that seems to me capable of raising interest to relaunch philosophy and its irreplaceable role in the academic and cultural world. You have made it the object of reflection of your Symposium: it is the proposal to "widen the horizons of rationality". This allows me to reflect on it with you as among friends who desire to pursue a common journey. I would like to begin with a deep conviction which I have expressed many times: "Christian faith has made its clear choice: against the gods of religion for the God of philosophers, in other words against the myth of mere custom for the truth of being" (cf. J. Ratzinger, Introduction to Christianity, Ch. 3). This affirmation, that reflects the Christian journey from its dawning, shows itself completely actual in the cultural historical context that we are living. In fact, only beginning from this premise, which is historic and theological at the same time, is it possible to meet the new expectations of philosophical reflection. The risk that religion, even Christianity, be strumentalized as a surreptitious phenomenon is very concrete even today.
But Christianity, as I recalled in the Encyclical Spe Salvi, is not only "informative", but "performative" (cf. n. 2). This means that from the beginning Christian faith cannot be enclosed within an abstract world of theories, but it must descend into the concrete historic experience that reaches humanity in the most profound truth of his existence. This experience, conditioned by new cultural and ideological situations, is the place in which theological research must evaluate and upon which it is urgent to initiate a fruitful dialogue with philosophy. The understanding of Christianity as a real transformation of human existence, if on the one hand it impels theological reflection to a new approach in regard to religion, on the other, it encourages it not to lose confidence in being able to know reality. The proposal to "widen the horizons of rationality", therefore, must not simply be counted among the new lines of theological and philosophical thought, but it must be understood as the requisite for a new opening onto the reality that the human person in his uni-totality is, rising above ancient prejudices and reductionisms, to open itself also to the way toward a true understanding of modernity. Humanity's desire for fullness cannot be disregarded. The Christian faith is called to take on this historical emergency by involving the men and women of good will in a simple task. The new dialogue between faith and reason, required today, cannot happen in the terms and in the ways in which it happened in the past. If it does not want to be reduced to a sterile intellectual exercise, it must begin from the present concrete situation of humanity and upon this develop a reflection that draws from the ontological-metaphysical truth.
Dear friends, you have before you a very exacting journey. First of all, it is necessary to promote high-level academic centres in which philosophy can dialogue with other disciplines, in particular with theology, favouring new, suitable cultural syntheses to orient society's journey. The European dimension of your meeting in Rome - indeed, you come from 26 countries - can favour a truly fruitful comparison and exchange. I trust that the Catholic academic institutions are ready to open true cultural laboratories. I would also like to invite you to encourage youth to engage in philosophical studies, opportunely favouring initiatives with a university orientation. I am certain that the new generations, with their enthusiasm, will know how to respond generously to the expectations of the Church and society.
In a few days I will have the joy of opening the Pauline Year, during which we will celebrate the Apostle to the Gentiles: I hope that this unique initiative constitutes for all of you an opportune occasion to rediscover, in the footsteps of the great Apostle, the historic fecundity of the Gospel and its extraordinary potentiality for contemporary culture too. With this wish, I impart my Blessing to you all.

Saturday, October 25, 2008

Freedom of Choice Act

Here is an excellent article by Bishop Serratelli on Obama's radical anti-life stance.


The Beacon
Diocese of Paterson
9 October 2008

A Politician's Promise: No Right to Life! No Freedom!

After committing a murder in Rome, the famous 17th century Italian painter Caravaggio went to Malta to avoid the death penalty. While there, the Great Master of the Order of the Knights of Malta commissioned him to do a painting for the chapel of the Co-Cathedral of St. John in Valletta. Caravaggio chose as his theme the martyrdom of John the Baptist. He produced The Beheading of St. John, his largest work, the only one he ever signed. No doubt the scene touched him personally.

Herod was married to Herodias, his brother Philip’s wife. Because John the Baptist preached against this sin, he incurred the hatred of Herod’s wife. The day her daughter Salome delighted Herod with her seductive dance, Herodias had her make Herod promise to kill John the Baptist. Within the severe architecture of a 16th century prison, Caravaggio vividly depicts the grisly moment when Herod kept his promise.

Caravaggio’s work, considered his greatest masterpiece, immortalizes the misguided fidelity of a ruler to his gruesome promise. With the stroke of the soldier’s sword, John dies and so does freedom. Freedom is based on the truth of the human person as created by God and protected by his law.
When a ruler can decide against God’s law, true freedom is sentenced to death.

Recently, a politician made a promise. Politicians usually do. If this politician fulfills his promise, not only will many of our freedoms as Americans be taken from us, but the innocent and vulnerable will spill their blood.

On April 18, 2007, in Gonzales v. Carhart, The Supreme Court upheld the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban. The very next day prominent Democratic members of Congress reintroduced the Freedom of Choice Act (FOCA). The bill is misleadingly packaged as a freedom bill. It is not! It is a clear act of unreasoned bias to end abruptly and brutally the debate on the pressing and fundamental moral issue of the right to life.

For thirty-five years, Americans have been wrestling with The Supreme Court’s decision legalizing abortion in Roe v. Wade. Most Americans now favor some kind of a ban on abortion. Most who allow abortion would do so only in very rare cases. In fact, in January, 2008, the Guttmacher Institute published its 14th census of abortion providers in the country. Its statistics showed that the abortion rate continues to decline. Abortions have reached their lowest level since 1974. There is truly a deep sensitivity to life in the soul of America.

The Freedom of Choice Act (FOCA) would mortally wound this sensitivity. In effect, it would dismantle the freedom of choice to do all that is necessary to respect and protect human life at its most vulnerable stage. FOCA goes far beyond guaranteeing the right to an abortion throughout the nine months of pregnancy. It arrogantly prohibits any law or policy interfering with that right. While advocates trumpet this law as the triumph of the freedom of choice, they hide the dark reality that the law would actually inhibit choice.

Laws protecting the rights of nurses, doctors and hospitals with moral objections to abortion would no longer stand. Health and safety regulations for abortion clinics would also vanish. Gone the freedom of health care professionals to be faithful to the Hippocratic Oath “to prescribe regimens for the good of …patients…and never do harm to anyone, to please no one [by prescribing] a deadly drug nor [by giving] advice which may cause his death.” Gone the freedom of conscience so essential for a civil society!

If a minority of avid abortionists succeed to impose this law because of the ignorance or apathy of the majority, the law would force taxpayers to fund abortions. Gone the freedom of taxation with representation!

In its 1992 Casey decision, The Supreme Court ruled as constitutional state laws requiring that women and young girls who seek an abortion receive information on the development of the child in the womb as well as alternatives to abortion. The ruling also determined that a period of waiting, usually 24 or 48 hours before making a decision about an abortion is not an undue burden. The Freedom of Choice Act would nullify these laws immediately. Gone the freedom of women and young girls to have all the information they need to make their own choices!

In about half of the States, there are parental notification or consent laws in effect for minors seeking an abortion. The Supreme Court has ruled that these laws are permitted under Roe v. Wade. With the stroke of a pen, these laws would be abolished. Gone the freedom of parents to care for and protect their children and grandchildren!

Advocates of FOCA redefine a woman’s “health” so as to expressly permit post-viability abortions. Thus, a child who survives an abortion can be left to die for the health of the mother. No politically correct word can mask this reality for what it is. This is infanticide. Gone the freedom for a baby, once born, to live!

Science does not dispute that the child in the womb already has all the characteristics that he or she will develop after birth. Notwithstanding, abortionists obstinately refuse the right of the child within the womb to live as a fundamental human right. They are not happy that Americans have not swallowed their distorted propaganda that denies the dignity of the human person from the first moment of conception.

Pro-abortion advocates close their eyes to the fact that abortion even hurts women as it undermines the very fabric of our society. Their zeal for the Freedom of Choice Act sounds the alarm for decent Americans to wake up! The more the right to life is denied, the more we lose our freedoms. The “pro-choice” movement is not pro-choice. It stands against the freedom to choose what is right according to the truth of the human person.

In 2002, as an Illinois legislator, the present democratic candidate voted against the Induced Infant Liability Act. This law was meant to protect a baby that survived a late-term abortion. When the same legislation came up in the Judiciary Committee on which he served, he held to his opposition. First, he voted “present.” Next, he voted “no.”

Along with 108 members of Congress, the present democratic candidate for President continues his strong support for the Freedom of Choice Act. In a speech before the Planned Parenthood Action Fund last year, he made the promise that the first thing he would do as President would be to sign the Freedom of Choice Act. What a choice for a new President!

At the time when Herod murdered John the Baptist because of his promise, Rome practiced the principle "one man, one vote." Whoever the emperor in Rome placed in authority over a subject people, ruled. Today we live in a democracy. We choose our leaders who make our laws. Every vote counts. Today, either we choose to respect and protect life, especially the life of the child in the womb of the mother or we sanction the loss of our most basic freedoms. At this point, we are still free to choose!


Most Rev. Arthur Serratelli, S.T.D., S.S.L., D.D.
Bishop of the Diocese of Paterson

Christus Rex

Iesus Nazarenus Rex Iudaeorum (INRI)


Viva Cristo Rey!

On the 11 December 1925, four years before the great depression, Pope Pius XI inaugurated the anual feast of Christ the King, for the last Sunday of October, to put the entire world at the feet of Christ: "whose kingdom will never end."

Christ is the King of the universe and the center of human history. (Redemptor Hominis, 1 "The Redeemer of man, Jesus Christ, is the center of the universe and of history.") This means that He is the supreme Legislator--the entire created world was established by Him and follows His laws...Also that He is the supreme Judge: that His Judgments are all from sound judgment without error to judge all things in the created world. In this way He shall ever be the supreme Governor of our minds--we shall think with the heart of Jesus our King. He shall reign over our will--we shall only will what He wills. And He shall reign over our hearts. For this reason also He is our great King, because of the heartful love which He inspires. No man has ever been loved or ever will be loved as much as He. His kingdom is that of love: of life commitment ("If you are the Son of God": His throne is the cross, and the earth is His footstool, to ascend it! The giving of self not violence or abuse), and thus we come to the last aspect of His reign--the executive power of Christ.

He has the power of works. All works of mercy are all the works of our King. He came to expell demons, to give sight to the blind, to raise the dead and to preach the Gospel to the poor. He came to seek out and to save the lost sheep. And so He still comes to execute His power of mercy and love, through the ministry of the Church, especially through the sacraments; our great King gives us His flesh and blood nourishment daily to face and transform the world with His way, with His truth, with His life in us. Our king, Christ, changes the world one man at a time, changing your heart and mine, giving us the consciosness of His law, the laws of the universe and of man, ever aware of His impending judgment which will ultimately set everything right giving to each man what each deserves, and eagerly speading His message of mercy and truth by bringing Him to the whole world. That He may reign.
Today we say to Him "Thy kingdom come, Father, en Christ our King. May He live, truly live in us and with us all!

Friday, September 12, 2008

Good Medicine vs Politics

The Star-Ledger (New Jersey) has recently been running biased politically charged articles from the Los Angeles Times challenging the integrity of all American Catholics and of all American medical professionals. Both articles are examples of the tyranny of relativism.

The first article "Hard to conceive now of IVF alarm" (1 August 2008) glorifies in-vitro fertilization as a great moral and medical advance while roundly ignoring the grave ethical questions and accusing "the Vatican" of a lack of wisdom and compassion in its consistent condemnation of the medically and morally objectionable procedure for "making babies." First of all, the author, Professor Gregory Pence, a teacher of bioethics at the University of Alabama medical school, betrays his very profession by promoting "baby making." Laboratories should not "create" or "produce" human beings because of the inherent violation of the fundamental rights of each of those tiny human beings so "made." Each person has a right to come into existence by "conception" in the act of love: to come directly from the conjugal act. Any violation of that right is an attack on the person and on the distinctive act of marriage.


IVF is wrong because:

1. The proper context for procreation of human life is the marital act. To "produce" babies any other way is to violate the innate rights of both parents and conceptus.

2. The manipulation and systematic destruction and freezing of embryos (human persons!) is criminal violence in every regard violating the fifth commandment: "thou shalt not kill." We ought not kill or manipulate human persons at any stage of life (especially at their inception, their most defenseless stage) not even with the noble intention of bringing forth a life. Every person is precious and none is undesirable or less desirable! The descrimination and natural selection and biological and social manipulation and extermination essential to the IVF process are barbaric.

3. The accepted perverted method of acquiring the sperm through masturbation is categorically condemned by God, betraying a complete disregard for the holiness of the human body and it is a direct violation of the exclusivity of marital fidelity. (cf. Genesis 38:8)

4. NaPro Technology addresses the underlying health issues. This is the only real medical model to date to evaluate, diagnose and treat fertility illness (i.e. infertility). It has no moral objections because it is sound medicine, and, because it is sound medicine it has a much higher success rate than the artificial fertility techniques.

5. One last point is that much of the present day infertility is due to bad medicine in the form of abortion, chemical contraception, sterilization, all of which have the direct aim of destroying that which is healthy.

With this last point I refute the second article "Health care shouldn't bow to religion" (8 September 2008, reprint also from the Los Angeles Times) saying that we need religion to know how to define "health" and "care" or else human persons are at the whim of popular opinion. No, the laws guiding the medical establishment should be firmly based on what is truly good for each and every human person, without bending even to the unjust laws of any nation which should legislate the destruction or mutilation or poisoning of our offspring or our women healty wombs. Just recall the recent series of apologies by several state governers for the forced sterilizations of the last century in USA. No doctor can be required to destroy that which is healthy.

Indeed, we must say more. Most medical professionals have begun their carreers vowing to promote healing and never to use their profession for harm (not even by referal), as found in the still prevelant Hippocratic Oath for doctors and the Pledge of Florence Nightingale for nurses.

"I swear by Apollo Physician, by Asclepius, by Health, by Panacea, and by all the gods and goddesses, making them my witnesses...I will use treatment to help the sick according to my ability and judgment, but never with a view to injury and wrongdoing. Neither will I administer a poison to anybody when asked to do so, nor will I suggest such a course. Similarly, I will not give to a woman a pessary (pill) to cause abortion. But I will keep pure and holy both my life and my art." (From Hippocratic Oath)

"I solemnly pledge myself before God and in the presence of this assembly to pass my life in purity and to practice my profession faithfully. I will abstain from whatever is deleterious or mischievous, and will not take or knowingly administer any harmful drug." (From the Nightingale Pledge)

Both are thoroughly religious and categorical in their freedom from any external pressure in understanding and exercising this service of healing.


By way of conclusion we must defend the Church and true religion in the face of these unjust attacks on basic human decency in medicine. The first article says "The Vatican perversely persists in condemning IVF..." I should like to defend the Vatican position in the name of every decent citizen in America, especially all medical professionals and all Catholics. Is the Vatican perverse in her upholding the law of God and in her consistent defense of the sanctity of all human life including it's sanctity in its conception (notice the passive noun, not a human creation but an awesome reception), and the sanctity and inviolability of marital love? Or, is it not rather the present prevailing and increasingly dictatorial prevailing moral perversion that condemns the Church without considering or even presenting the very sound and consistent philosophical, scientific and moral arguments on which her teaching is based. To challenge the politically correct or even the technologically possible on moral grounds is not perverse but rather the necessary check on perversion. To blindly condemn the well founded and very reasonable moral stance of the most venerable human rights institution the world has ever known--the Catholic Church (the inventor of the hospital and of the university)--is the height of perversity and a thinly disguised attempt to defend every form of sexual and reproductive perversion and inhumanity.

And finally, a man like Gregory Pence, 33 years teaching bioethics at the medical school of the University of Alabama in Birmingham ignorantly spouting such bigoted anti-Catholicism in his blind defense of the brave new world in which might is right ("if it is technologically possible than it is OK" mentality;); and a man like Richard Sloan, professor of behavioral medicine at Columbia University Medical Center with his "if we can then we may, if we may than we must" mentality that "science" is the only truth; are both indicative of the moral climate in our Universities and in our propaganda media (e.g. The Los Angeles Times and The Star Ledger), publishing in largely Catholic areas of our nation. I must say the boldness of this anti-Catholic and tyranical pro-anarchy in medicine lobby betrays a negligence on the part of Catholics (especially of the American Catholic hierarchy and university educators) to understand, promote and defend their noble religious convictions, none of which ever contradict but rather encourage legitimate science and technological progress, authentically promoting the common good in defense of the rights and dignity of true marriage, holy marital love, the family, and the proper conception and procreation children. Professor Sloan thinks doctors should be directed to kill and should have a professional obligation to do so (with euthanasia and abortion and Plan B): so politics determines medicine in his view; any claim of right and wrong, according to him, would be irrelevant. He clearly shows that medical schools sorely need religion to rediscover the purpose of medicine: to heal and never harm!

Friday, September 5, 2008

Seminary and University Latin


Here I provide the regulations for the proper implementation of Blessed Pope John XXIII’s Apostolic Constitution Veterum sapientia of 22 February 1962 (Acta Apostolicæ Sedis 54, 129-135) mandating the preservation and promotion of and instruction in the Latin language in all Catholic seminaries and universities. These norms from the instruction Sacrum latinae linguae depositum (Acta Apostolicæ Sedis 54, 339-368) were produced at the express request of the Pope in Veterum sapientia and he approved their publication exactly two months after on 22 April 1962 by the Congregation of Seminaries and University Studies. The Congregation sets out a nine year outline of study which should be normative for use in all Catholic schools (adapting the texts as necessary but without lessening the total quantity of material). And in a concluding appendix there is an outline of selections of the Fathers of the Church to be studied in Latin for each of the areas of theology studies. Here is my translation of the nine year outline and later I give the theology outline in Latin.

In light of Pope Benedict XVI's Wednesday Audiences on the Fathers of the Church and his constant concern for the rediscovery of the Latin and Greek classics I hope that our seminaries and universities (faculty and students) might use this foundational outline as set out by the Vatican for our proper formation in the faith.

SACRUM LATINAE LINGUAE DEPOSITUM, Sacra Congregatio de Seminariis et Studiorum Universitatibus, xxii mensis Aprilis, anno MCMLXII 

Chapter III On the common way to study Latin
Article III Authors to be presented in the study of the Latin language in the humanities departments.
Paragraph 3: These Authors and this amount are to be tied to each year:

1st year: first, elegant and complete phrases excerpted from the Authors; certain proverbs and sayings are to be memorized; the second part of the year certain excerpts may be taken from the Old and New Testaments (like the creation of the world, the narrative of the seven Macchabean brothers, the parable of the prodigal son, etc.), at least 100 verses, of which some should be committed to memory; perhaps some short fables of Phaedrus or very brief Ciceronian letters may be added;

2nd year: at least 10 Phaedrus fables, one or two lives from Nepos, around 20 Ciceronian letters, some of the shorter Latin dialogues (from Erasmus, Vives, Jacobus Pontanus, etc);

3rd year: at least one of Caesar’s works, certain Cicero letters, 300 verses of Ovid,
a few hymns of the Roman Breviary, certain chapters of the Roman Catechism (Catechismus ad Parochos);

4th year: 3 selections (short poems) of Virgil, 5 elegies from Tibrollus and Propertius, at least one work from Livy, a few Cicero letters, and a few chapters from the Roman Catechism;

5th year: a few of the Cicero orations, 30 chapters of Sallust, book one of the Aeneid, and another from Georgias; some chapters from the Roman Catechism;

6th year: some philosophical work of Cicero (e.g. De Amicitia, De Senectute, ex Tusculanis, etc.); 10 carmina from Horace, 5 from Catullus, book one of the Annals or monographs of Tacitus; some chapters of the Roman Catechism;

7th year: Horace’s Ars Poetica; some comedy of Plautus or Terentius; excerpts from Lucretius (at least 300 verses); some book from the De Officiis of Cicero or the rhetoric of Cicero or Quintilian;

8th - 9th years: besides any outstanding material from the above program which remain to be interpreted (requiring more time), or which must be explained out of the proper place of study, add certain selections from the letters of Pliny and Seneca; excerpts from the Christian Latin Writers and the Fathers of the Church (Minucius, Lactantius, Ambrose, Augustine, etc.); from the Documents of the Roman Pontiffs; from the best of the more recent Latin Writers.



Appendix II (The Main works of the Fathers of the Church to be studied in the Course of Christian Latin for a profound and accurate knowledge of and sense of the Catholic faith under each of the areas of theology.)
I. Theologia Fundamentalis

ATHENAGORAS, Supplicatio pro Christianis.
S. IUSTIANUS Martyr, Apologiae.
EPISTOLA ad Diognetum (praesertim cc. 5-6).
TERTULLIANUS, Apologeticus; De praescriptione haereticorum; De Idololatria.
S. CYPRIANUS, De catholicae Ecclesiae unitate (praesertim cap. IV); Epistolae (praesertim ad Cornelium Papam).
LACTANTIUS, Divinae Institutiones.
S. AUGUSTINUS, De doctrina christiana (Lib. II-III: De exegesi biblica); De vera religione; De utilitate credendi; De consensus Evangelistarum; De symbolo ad catechumenos.
S. LEO MAGNUS, Epistolae.
VINCENTIUS LERINENSIS, Commonitorium.


II. Theologia Dogmatica

1. De Deo Uno et Trino.

MINUCIUS FELIX, Octavius, cap. 14-38.
TERTULLIANUS, Adversus Praxean.
NOVATIANUS, De Trinitate.
S. HILARIUS Pict., De Trinitate (praesertim libri II-III).
S. BASILIUS, Tractatus de Spiritus Sancto.
S. AMBROSIUS, De fide, ad Gratianum; De Spiritu Sancto.
S. AUGUSTINUS, De Trinitate (preaesertim lib. V).
S. GREGORIUS NAZIANZ., Sermones.
S. Io. CHRYSOSTOMUS, De incomprehensibilitate Dei.
S. GREGORIUS NYSSENUS, De Trinitate, ad Eustathium (agit praesertim de divinitate Spiritus Sancti).


2. De Deo Creante et Elevante.

S. GREGORIUS NYSSENUS, Liber de hominis opificio.
S. AMBROSIUS, Hexaemeron; De Paradiso.
S HIERONYMUS, Dialogus adversus Pelagianos.
S AUGUSTINUS, De Genesi contra Manichaeos; De Genesi ad litteram; De gratia Christi et de peccato originali.


3. De Verbo Incarnato

S. IGNATIUS ANTIOCH., Epist. ad Ephes., ad Smyrn.
TERTULLIANUS, De carne Christi.
S. AMBROSIUS, De Incarnationis Dominicae sacramento.
S. ATHANASIUS, De Incarnatione Verbi.
S. GREGORIUS NYSSENUS, Oratio magna catechetica (cap. 10-32).
S. AUGUSTINUS, Contra sermonem Arianorum; In Ioannis Evangelium tractatus.
CASSIANUS, De Incarnatione Christi contra Nestorium.
S. GREGORIUS MAGNUS, Homiliae in Evangelia.
S. HIERONYMUS, Adversus helvidium de perpetua virginitate B. Mariae, Epistolae.
S. LEO MAGNUS, Sermones.


4. De gratia et virtutibus.

S. HIERONYMUS, Epistolae.
S. AUGUSTINUS, De libero arbitrio; De fide rerum quae non videntur; De natura et gratia; De gratia Christi et de peccato originali. De gratia et libero arbitrio; De dono perseverantiae; Enchiridion ad Laurentium sive de fide, spe et caritate.
S. PROSPER AQUITANUS, De gratia Dei et libero arbitrio liber contra Collatorem.
S. FULGENTIUS, De fide ad Petrum liber.


5. De Sacramentis.

TERTULLIANUS, De Baptismo; De Paenitentia.
S. CYPRIANUS, De lapsis.
S. CYRILLUS JEROSOL., Catecheses.
S. AMBROSIUS, De Paenitentia; De Sacramentis, De Mysteriis.
S. AUGUSTINUS, De Baptismo.
S. IO. CHRYSOSTOMUS, Catecheses ad illuminandos; De Sacerdotio.


6. De Novissimis.

TERTULLIANUS, De carnis resurrectione; De anima.
S. CYPRIANUS, De mortalitate.
LACTANTIUS, Divinae Institutiones (liber VII).
S. AMBROSIUS, De bono mortis; De Iacob et vita beata.
S. AUGUSTINUS, De cura pro mortuis gerenda; De praedestinatione sanctorum; De dono perseverantiae; De Civitate Dei (lib. XXII, de caelesti beatitudine).


III. Theologia Moralis et Pastoralis

CLEMENS ALEXANDRINUS, Paedagogus.
S. AMBROSIUS, De officiis; De Virginibus.
S. AUGUSTINUS, Contra mendacium; De continentia; De bono coniugali; De moribus; Enchiridion (cap. LXIV-LXX, de peccatis). De catechizandis rudibus; Sermones; Confessiones.
S. GREGORIUS M., Moralia in Job; Liber Regulae pastoralis.

Friday, August 8, 2008

The Year of Saint Paul

Annus Sancti Pauli: 29 Junii MMVIII – 29 Junii MMIX

The 29th of June Pope Benedict XVI ushered in the jubilee year of Saint Paul for the bi-millenial year of his birth: “a year to learn from Saint Paul, to learn faith, to learn Christ and to learn the way of upright living”. (Wednesday Audience, 2 July 2008)

To assist in that goal of this year I here provide Saint Thomas’ schema of Saint Paul’s writings. He sees Christ’s grace as Saint Paul’s unifying theme. He thereby explains the order of the letters as we find them in the present New Testament canon. The Angelic Doctor systemitizes it thus to provide an easy way to learn and remember the order and the basic content of the entire Pauline corpus. That was one of the many geniuses of systematic theology: order and ease in learning. The synthesis does not pretend to be the whole but rather a minimal yet faithful sketch of the whole. Hopefully it will help us in our learning of Saint Paul, of faith, of Christ and upright living this year.


The Structure of the Pauline Corpus
According to St. Thomas Aquinas

There are fourteen letters (including Hebrews). Nine address the Gentile Church (Ecclesiam Gentium), four the leaders (praelatos et principes: reges) of the Church, and one addresses the people of Israel, that to the Hebrews.

All of the teaching in Saint Paul is about the grace of Christ which may be considered in three ways.
I. Nine letters consider the grace of Christ as it exists in the mystical body itself:
A. Grace may be considered in three ways. First, in itself, and this is how it is treated in the letter to the Romans.
B. Second, in the sacraments of grace:
1. In 1Corinthians, considered in the sacraments themselves;
2. In 2 Corinthians, in the ministers of the sacraments;
3. In Galatians, superfluous “sacraments” (namely those of the Old Law) are excluded;
C. Third, the grace of Christ is considered according to the uniting effect, in the Church.
1. First, the unity itself is discussed:
a) In Ephesians, the foundation [institutio] of the Church’s unity is considered;
b) In Philippians, the strengthening and advancing (confirmatione et profectu) of the Church’s unity is set forth;
2. Second, its defense:
a) Against certain errors, in the letter to the Colossians;
b) Against persecutions:
(1) In the present in 1Thessalonians;
(2) In the future (and chiefly at the time of the Anti-Christ) in 2 Thessalonians.
II. Four letters instruct the prelates regarding the grace of Christ considered as it exists in the chief members of the Church.
A. Instructing the spiritual prelates:
1. In 1 Timothy on the institution, instruction and governance of church unity;
2. In 2 Timothy on steadfastness (firmitate) against persecutors;
3. In Titus on the defense against heretics. B. Instructing the temporal prelates in Philemon.
III. One letter, that to the Hebrews, considers the grace of Christ as it exists in the head of the mystical body, Christ himself.

Friday, August 1, 2008

Musica Sacra 2008

In Feast of Faith (p. 98) the then Cardinal Ratzinger referred to Sacrosanctum Concilium’s promotion of Gregorian chant and polyphony in church choirs..

“This document contains…particular emphasis on the teaching of church music in seminaries and on the training of church musicians and singers, especially boys. Special mention is made of the desirability of establishing ‘higher institutes of sacred music’. (S.C., 115) Gregorian chant is particularly recommended, but there is also an express affirmation of polyphony”. (S.C., 116)

As a necessary preface to that we must add the Council’s (and the Roman Missal’s) insistence that the people are to be taught the Mass in Latin. “…[C]are must be taken to ensure that the faithful may…be able to say or sing together in Latin those parts of the Ordinary of the Mass which pertain to them”. (S.C., 54, cf. Insititutio Generalis Missalis Romani, 2005, 41)

This need to preserve and promote the liturgical Latin music patrimony of the Church is surely the conciliar norm most universally neglected and rejected by the bishops and priests, seminaries and parishes these forty five years since the Sacrosanctum Concilium publication. This blatant disobedience to the clear liturgical directives of the Second Vatican Council is consistent with the complete rejection of Veterum Sapientia, which, on the 22nd of February 1962, mandated Latin as the official language for seminary instruction and formation. In an upcoming blog I shall provide a translation of the nine year Latin study program and the appended list of the most important theological texts of the Latin Church Fathers that should be studied in Latin, as found in the instruction given by the Sacred Congregation of Seminaries and University Studies for the proper implementation of the Apostolic Constitution Veterum Sapientia on 22 April 1962 (Ordinationes ad Constitutionem Apostolicam “Veterum Sapientia” Rite Exsequendam). For now, back to my present topic on Catholic Sacred Music today, the purpose of this essay.

There you have the problem which I and many of my contemporary post Vatican II laymen, seminarians, and priests have keenly felt. Even Pope Benedict himself admitted, in his Motu Proprio follow up letter to his brother bishops on the “Forms” of the Roman Ritual, the liturgical confusion he had to endure as a young priest in the post conciliar years. Well, the Church Music Association of America (CMMA) is providing a worthy response.

I attended The (CMMA) Sacred Music Colloquium XVIII at Loyola University’s Lakeshore Campus in Chicago this Summer (16-22 June), an exclusively Gregorian Chant and Polyphonic Masses and Motets seminar in a scholarly and prayerful atmosphere: some 250 participants, mostly parish music composers and music directors, music students and some priests and seminarians, from around the nation. We trained for and chanted and sang the daily Office and the daily Mass, both Ordinary and Extraordinary Forms, in Latin!!! Having had some practice chanting I joined the intermediate chant group for the training sessions that week, challenging and most delightful.

The organization and professionalism of the staff were exemplary. What completed the grandeur was the sense of sincere Catholic faith. All of the training and teaching were thoroughly imbued with Catholicism. Routinely there would be people in personal prayer in the chapel, especially before and after each of the chapel visits. Confession was daily available. Many of the women and young ladies wore veils for the Masses and everyone dressed with the greatest decorum throughout. Kneeling was normative for communion (it is the universal norm according to the updated Roman Missal). There were many young people, perhaps half the participants were under forty, and everyone was most friendly and unassuming.

The food and the accommodations were very good and the site and the weather were fabulous, not to mention the low price: $575 for the week which included everything, even the books. Just a couple of anecdotes before closing.

I loved being so close to the water. Being an early riser I would go out around six in the morning to get to the chapel for some early morning one-on-one with Our Lord. Well, on the final day, Sunday, I got out there around five thirty hoping to be on time for the sunrise, which I had missed all week. It was already too late, realizing that in Chicago we were just west of the time line, so the sunrise was an hour earlier than on the east coast. Anyway, I went to the walkway along the shore rocks and got to the chapel. The lake was flat with calm and the sun was soft and large, reflecting greatly across the lakes expanse. Taking my place in front of the chapel the foxes from the lakeside barrier boulders are playing in the morning grass just forty yards away. They swirl over and around each other as if in dance. There are several pairs of them back and forth from the rocks and across the lawns, parking lots and sidewalks. I even fed one of them at my feet, with a young incoming freshman beside me.

The young man’s name was Patrick. He saw me in my cassock (I am a priest) and he, also up early to see the sunrise, which he also had missed!, sat down and we ended up talking about philosophers and theologians (I told him about the Confessions of Saint Augustine and about Saint Thomas Aquinas, the greatest Catholic mind the world shall ever see, which must be read) and he asked about priestly vocation. He was very inquisitive and sincere. So I invited him to the polyphonic Mass of that closing day: Sunday, the Montiverdi Mass in F. He came and followed that Mass (Extraodinary Form) with my Mass chant and polyphonic books. At the end of the Mass all of the participants sang Bruckner’s Ave Maria, for which Patrick joined me with the first tenors: all 250 voices in four part harmony singing the words of the angels, having practiced only once: powerful!!! It was significant to close introducing a newcomer to our great heritage in that artistically and religiously excellent atmosphere. May God bless Patrick and CMAA and the Jesuits of Loyola for this part of the implementation of the most neglected part of the Second Vatican Council’s liturgical directives, in union with Pope Benedict XVI, the Vicar of Christ.

To hear some of the music or read about that colloquium or for information on next year's colloquium go to musicasacra.com.

Friday, June 6, 2008

Benedict's call to Universities

Writer, George Weigel in his "The Catholic Difference" column of the Archdiocese of Newark's The Catholic Advocate, expresses concern over Catholic educators' misappropriation of Pope Benedict's message to them. Here is Mr. Weigel's 5 June 2008 article.

Mulling pope's call to universities, without spin
Pope Benedict XVI, during his recent historic visit to the United States, had barely left the Catholic University of America on April 17 when the Catholic higher education establishment's spin machine shifted into high gear.
One university president said that what most impressed him about the papal address to Catholic educators was what it was not: a dressing-down. Still another president cooed that she felt "affirmed." An administrator at yet another institution said that, as the pope hadn't cited Ex Corde Ecclesia--John Paul II's concerns about Catholic identity were clearly old hat.
One got the distinct impression from the spin that a lot of people thought they'd dodged a bullet and were grateful they weren't going home to face irate alums and dubious donors. The "Benedict loves what we're doing" blah-blah has continued ever since.
The facts, to put it gently, suggest something rather more complicated. Consider these excerpts from the Holy Father's address:
"A university's or school's Catholic identity...is a question of conviction. Do we really believe that only in the mystery of the Word Made Flesh does the mystery of man truly become clear? Are we ready to commit our entire self--intellect and will, mind and heart--to God? Do we accept the truth Christ reveals?"
What percentage of this year's Catholic college and university graduates could honestly answer those questions with a convinced "yes?" What percentage would even understand the first question?
"While we have sought diligently to engage the intellect of our young, perhaps we have neglected the will. Subsequently we observe, with distress, the notion of freedom being distorted. Freedom is not an opting out. Freedom is an opting in; a participation in being itself. Hence, authentic freedom can never be obtained by turning away from God."
Might these sentences be printed, framed, and posted in co-ed dormitories on Catholic campuses?
"We observe today a timitdity in the face of the category of the good...an assumption that every experience is of equal worth and a reluctance to admit imperfection and mistakes. And particularly disturbing is the reduction of the precious and delicate area of education in sexuality to management of 'risk,' bereft of any reference to the beauty of conjugal love."
How many freshman orientation programs and student life offices on Catholic campuses would have to examine consciences here?
"I wish to affirm the great value of academic freedom. yet any appeal to the principle of academic freedom in order to justify positions that contradict the faith and the teaching of the Church would obstruct or even betray the university's identity and mission; a mission at the heart of the Church's (teaching mission) and not somehow...independent of it."
Will the theologians at prestigious Catholic universities who affirm Humanae Vitae's teaching on the morally appropriate means of regulating fertility, the Catechism's teaching on the disordered character of homosexual acts, and the teaching of Ordinatio Sacerdotalis on the inadmissability of women to Holy Orders please raise their hands?
The spin machine notwithstanding, Benedict XVI put serious challenges before the nation's leading Catholic educators.
To resolve any doubts that the pope has a different idea of what befits a Catholic college or university than a lot of the Catholic higher education establishment, however, I propose a simple test. Whether or not to produce Eve Ensler's "Vagina Monologues"--a "play" that mocks the settled teaching of the Catholic Church--has become a tedious annual ritual on many Catholic campuses. Prominent among them is Notre Dame University--to the public mind, a flagship among U.S. Catholic institutions of higher education. There, the university's president, Father John Jenkins, C.S.C., has allowed Ensler's play on campus, acquiescing to the demands of some Notre Dame faculty while rejecting the counsel of other distinguished faculty members and the arguments of the local bishop.
In the patristic period, disputes within and among local churches were submitted to the Bishop of Rome for adjudication. Se here's my proposal and my test case: let Father Jenkins send Pope Benedict XVI a copy of Ensler's play, asking the pope whether he considers this material appropriate for production or useful for discussion on a Catholic campus.
The answer, I predict, will not please the spin machine.
(George Weigel is a distinguished senior fellow of the Ethics and Public Policy Center in Washington, D.C.)

Friday, March 7, 2008

REGENSBURG ADDRESS


This is the final version (complete with footnotes) of the Holy Father's celebrated university lecture in Germany 2006, for which he received the highest German national prize awarded by the University of Tubingen. I provide it here because my future posts will be dealing with the foundations for the Enlightenment and the ensuing French Revolution, and their modern bequest, as necessarily related to Christ, and to the Vicar of Christ, a foremost advocate of the classics. Specifically, there is an inseparable alliance of human Reason and human Liberty with Christ (Logos), as indicated in Spe salvi.

LECTURE OF HIS HOLINESS POPE BENEDICT XVI DURING THE APOSTOLIC JOURNEY TO MÜNCHEN, ALTÖTTING AND REGENSBURG (SEPTEMBER 9-14, 2006) MEETING WITH THE REPRESENTATIVES OF SCIENCE

Aula Magna of the University of Regensburg
Tuesday, 12 September 2006

Faith, Reason and the University
Memories and Reflections

Your Eminences, Your Magnificences, Your Excellencies, Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is a moving experience for me to be back again in the university and to be able once again to give a lecture at this podium. I think back to those years when, after a pleasant period at the Freisinger Hochschule, I began teaching at the University of Bonn. That was in 1959, in the days of the old university made up of ordinary professors. The various chairs had neither assistants nor secretaries, but in recompense there was much direct contact with students and in particular among the professors themselves. We would meet before and after lessons in the rooms of the teaching staff. There was a lively exchange with historians, philosophers, philologists and, naturally, between the two theological faculties. Once a semester there was a dies academicus, when professors from every faculty appeared before the students of the entire university, making possible a genuine experience of universitas - something that you too, Magnificent Rector, just mentioned - the experience, in other words, of the fact that despite our specializations which at times make it difficult to communicate with each other, we made up a whole, working in everything on the basis of a single rationality with its various aspects and sharing responsibility for the right use of reason - this reality became a lived experience. The university was also very proud of its two theological faculties. It was clear that, by inquiring about the reasonableness of faith, they too carried out a work which is necessarily part of the "whole" of the universitas scientiarum, even if not everyone could share the faith which theologians seek to correlate with reason as a whole. This profound sense of coherence within the universe of reason was not troubled, even when it was once reported that a colleague had said there was something odd about our university: it had two faculties devoted to something that did not exist: God. That even in the face of such radical scepticism it is still necessary and reasonable to raise the question of God through the use of reason, and to do so in the context of the tradition of the Christian faith: this, within the university as a whole, was accepted without question.
I was reminded of all this recently, when I read the edition by Professor Theodore Khoury (Münster) of part of the dialogue carried on - perhaps in 1391 in the winter barracks near Ankara - by the erudite Byzantine emperor Manuel II Paleologus and an educated Persian on the subject of Christianity and Islam, and the truth of both.[1] It was presumably the emperor himself who set down this dialogue, during the siege of Constantinople between 1394 and 1402; and this would explain why his arguments are given in greater detail than those of his Persian interlocutor.[2] The dialogue ranges widely over the structures of faith contained in the Bible and in the Qur'an, and deals especially with the image of God and of man, while necessarily returning repeatedly to the relationship between - as they were called - three "Laws" or "rules of life": the Old Testament, the New Testament and the Qur'an. It is not my intention to discuss this question in the present lecture; here I would like to discuss only one point - itself rather marginal to the dialogue as a whole - which, in the context of the issue of "faith and reason", I found interesting and which can serve as the starting-point for my reflections on this issue.
In the seventh conversation (διάλεξις - controversy) edited by Professor Khoury, the emperor touches on the theme of the holy war. The emperor must have known that surah 2, 256 reads: "There is no compulsion in religion". According to some of the experts, this is probably one of the suras of the early period, when Mohammed was still powerless and under threat. But naturally the emperor also knew the instructions, developed later and recorded in the Qur'an, concerning holy war. Without descending to details, such as the difference in treatment accorded to those who have the "Book" and the "infidels", he addresses his interlocutor with a startling brusqueness, a brusqueness that we find unacceptable, on the central question about the relationship between religion and violence in general, saying: "Show me just what Mohammed brought that was new, and there you will find things only evil and inhuman, such as his command to spread by the sword the faith he preached.”[3] The emperor, after having expressed himself so forcefully, goes on to explain in detail the reasons why spreading the faith through violence is something unreasonable. Violence is incompatible with the nature of God and the nature of the soul. "God", he says, "is not pleased by blood - and not acting reasonably (σὺν λόγω) is contrary to God's nature. Faith is born of the soul, not the body. Whoever would lead someone to faith needs the ability to speak well and to reason properly, without violence and threats... To convince a reasonable soul, one does not need a strong arm, or weapons of any kind, or any other means of threatening a person with death...".[4]
The decisive statement in this argument against violent conversion is this: not to act in accordance with reason is contrary to God's nature.[5] The editor, Theodore Khoury, observes: For the emperor, as a Byzantine shaped by Greek philosophy, this statement is self-evident. But for Muslim teaching, God is absolutely transcendent. His will is not bound up with any of our categories, even that of rationality.[6] Here Khoury quotes a work of the noted French Islamist R. Arnaldez, who points out that Ibn Hazm went so far as to state that God is not bound even by his own word, and that nothing would oblige him to reveal the truth to us. Were it God's will, we would even have to practise idolatry.[7]
At this point, as far as understanding of God and thus the concrete practice of religion is concerned, we are faced with an unavoidable dilemma. Is the conviction that acting unreasonably contradicts God's nature merely a Greek idea, or is it always and intrinsically true? I believe that here we can see the profound harmony between what is Greek in the best sense of the word and the biblical understanding of faith in God. Modifying the first verse of the Book of Genesis, the first verse of the whole Bible, John began the prologue of his Gospel with the words: "In the beginning was the λόγος". This is the very word used by the emperor: God acts, σὺν λόγω, with logos. Logos means both reason and word - a reason which is creative and capable of self-communication, precisely as reason. John thus spoke the final word on the biblical concept of God, and in this word all the often toilsome and tortuous threads of biblical faith find their culmination and synthesis. In the beginning was the logos, and the logos is God, says the Evangelist. The encounter between the Biblical message and Greek thought did not happen by chance. The vision of Saint Paul, who saw the roads to Asia barred and in a dream saw a Macedonian man plead with him: "Come over to Macedonia and help us!" (cf. Acts 16:6-10) - this vision can be interpreted as a "distillation" of the intrinsic necessity of a rapprochement between Biblical faith and Greek inquiry.
In point of fact, this rapprochement had been going on for some time. The mysterious name of God, revealed from the burning bush, a name which separates this God from all other divinities with their many names and simply asserts being, "I am", already presents a challenge to the notion of myth, to which Socrates' attempt to vanquish and transcend myth stands in close analogy.[8] Within the Old Testament, the process which started at the burning bush came to new maturity at the time of the Exile, when the God of Israel, an Israel now deprived of its land and worship, was proclaimed as the God of heaven and earth and described in a simple formula which echoes the words uttered at the burning bush: "I am". This new understanding of God is accompanied by a kind of enlightenment, which finds stark expression in the mockery of gods who are merely the work of human hands (cf. Ps 115). Thus, despite the bitter conflict with those Hellenistic rulers who sought to accommodate it forcibly to the customs and idolatrous cult of the Greeks, biblical faith, in the Hellenistic period, encountered the best of Greek thought at a deep level, resulting in a mutual enrichment evident especially in the later wisdom literature. Today we know that the Greek translation of the Old Testament produced at Alexandria - the Septuagint - is more than a simple (and in that sense really less than satisfactory) translation of the Hebrew text: it is an independent textual witness and a distinct and important step in the history of revelation, one which brought about this encounter in a way that was decisive for the birth and spread of Christianity.[9] A profound encounter of faith and reason is taking place here, an encounter between genuine enlightenment and religion. From the very heart of Christian faith and, at the same time, the heart of Greek thought now joined to faith, Manuel II was able to say: Not to act "with logos" is contrary to God's nature.
In all honesty, one must observe that in the late Middle Ages we find trends in theology which would sunder this synthesis between the Greek spirit and the Christian spirit. In contrast with the so-called intellectualism of Augustine and Thomas, there arose with Duns Scotus a voluntarism which, in its later developments, led to the claim that we can only know God's voluntas ordinata. Beyond this is the realm of God's freedom, in virtue of which he could have done the opposite of everything he has actually done. This gives rise to positions which clearly approach those of Ibn Hazm and might even lead to the image of a capricious God, who is not even bound to truth and goodness. God's transcendence and otherness are so exalted that our reason, our sense of the true and good, are no longer an authentic mirror of God, whose deepest possibilities remain eternally unattainable and hidden behind his actual decisions. As opposed to this, the faith of the Church has always insisted that between God and us, between his eternal Creator Spirit and our created reason there exists a real analogy, in which - as the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 stated - unlikeness remains infinitely greater than likeness, yet not to the point of abolishing analogy and its language. God does not become more divine when we push him away from us in a sheer, impenetrable voluntarism; rather, the truly divine God is the God who has revealed himself as logos and, as logos, has acted and continues to act lovingly on our behalf. Certainly, love, as Saint Paul says, "transcends" knowledge and is thereby capable of perceiving more than thought alone (cf. Eph 3:19); nonetheless it continues to be love of the God who is Logos. Consequently, Christian worship is, again to quote Paul - "λογικη λατρεία", worship in harmony with the eternal Word and with our reason (cf. Rom 12:1).[10]
This inner rapprochement between Biblical faith and Greek philosophical inquiry was an event of decisive importance not only from the standpoint of the history of religions, but also from that of world history - it is an event which concerns us even today. Given this convergence, it is not surprising that Christianity, despite its origins and some significant developments in the East, finally took on its historically decisive character in Europe. We can also express this the other way around: this convergence, with the subsequent addition of the Roman heritage, created Europe and remains the foundation of what can rightly be called Europe.
The thesis that the critically purified Greek heritage forms an integral part of Christian faith has been countered by the call for a dehellenization of Christianity - a call which has more and more dominated theological discussions since the beginning of the modern age. Viewed more closely, three stages can be observed in the programme of dehellenization: although interconnected, they are clearly distinct from one another in their motivations and objectives.[11]
Dehellenization first emerges in connection with the postulates of the Reformation in the sixteenth century. Looking at the tradition of scholastic theology, the Reformers thought they were confronted with a faith system totally conditioned by philosophy, that is to say an articulation of the faith based on an alien system of thought. As a result, faith no longer appeared as a living historical Word but as one element of an overarching philosophical system. The principle of sola scriptura, on the other hand, sought faith in its pure, primordial form, as originally found in the biblical Word. Metaphysics appeared as a premise derived from another source, from which faith had to be liberated in order to become once more fully itself. When Kant stated that he needed to set thinking aside in order to make room for faith, he carried this programme forward with a radicalism that the Reformers could never have foreseen. He thus anchored faith exclusively in practical reason, denying it access to reality as a whole.
The liberal theology of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries ushered in a second stage in the process of dehellenization, with Adolf von Harnack as its outstanding representative. When I was a student, and in the early years of my teaching, this programme was highly influential in Catholic theology too. It took as its point of departure Pascal's distinction between the God of the philosophers and the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. In my inaugural lecture at Bonn in 1959, I tried to address the issue,[12] and I do not intend to repeat here what I said on that occasion, but I would like to describe at least briefly what was new about this second stage of dehellenization. Harnack's central idea was to return simply to the man Jesus and to his simple message, underneath the accretions of theology and indeed of hellenization: this simple message was seen as the culmination of the religious development of humanity. Jesus was said to have put an end to worship in favour of morality. In the end he was presented as the father of a humanitarian moral message. Fundamentally, Harnack's goal was to bring Christianity back into harmony with modern reason, liberating it, that is to say, from seemingly philosophical and theological elements, such as faith in Christ's divinity and the triune God. In this sense, historical-critical exegesis of the New Testament, as he saw it, restored to theology its place within the university: theology, for Harnack, is something essentially historical and therefore strictly scientific. What it is able to say critically about Jesus is, so to speak, an expression of practical reason and consequently it can take its rightful place within the university. Behind this thinking lies the modern self-limitation of reason, classically expressed in Kant's "Critiques", but in the meantime further radicalized by the impact of the natural sciences. This modern concept of reason is based, to put it briefly, on a synthesis between Platonism (Cartesianism) and empiricism, a synthesis confirmed by the success of technology. On the one hand it presupposes the mathematical structure of matter, its intrinsic rationality, which makes it possible to understand how matter works and use it efficiently: this basic premise is, so to speak, the Platonic element in the modern understanding of nature. On the other hand, there is nature's capacity to be exploited for our purposes, and here only the possibility of verification or falsification through experimentation can yield decisive certainty. The weight between the two poles can, depending on the circumstances, shift from one side to the other. As strongly positivistic a thinker as J. Monod has declared himself a convinced Platonist/Cartesian.
This gives rise to two principles which are crucial for the issue we have raised. First, only the kind of certainty resulting from the interplay of mathematical and empirical elements can be considered scientific. Anything that would claim to be science must be measured against this criterion. Hence the human sciences, such as history, psychology, sociology and philosophy, attempt to conform themselves to this canon of scientificity. A second point, which is important for our reflections, is that by its very nature this method excludes the question of God, making it appear an unscientific or pre-scientific question. Consequently, we are faced with a reduction of the radius of science and reason, one which needs to be questioned.
I will return to this problem later. In the meantime, it must be observed that from this standpoint any attempt to maintain theology's claim to be "scientific" would end up reducing Christianity to a mere fragment of its former self. But we must say more: if science as a whole is this and this alone, then it is man himself who ends up being reduced, for the specifically human questions about our origin and destiny, the questions raised by religion and ethics, then have no place within the purview of collective reason as defined by "science", so understood, and must thus be relegated to the realm of the subjective. The subject then decides, on the basis of his experiences, what he considers tenable in matters of religion, and the subjective "conscience" becomes the sole arbiter of what is ethical. In this way, though, ethics and religion lose their power to create a community and become a completely personal matter. This is a dangerous state of affairs for humanity, as we see from the disturbing pathologies of religion and reason which necessarily erupt when reason is so reduced that questions of religion and ethics no longer concern it. Attempts to construct an ethic from the rules of evolution or from psychology and sociology, end up being simply inadequate.
Before I draw the conclusions to which all this has been leading, I must briefly refer to the third stage of dehellenization, which is now in progress. In the light of our experience with cultural pluralism, it is often said nowadays that the synthesis with Hellenism achieved in the early Church was an initial inculturation which ought not to be binding on other cultures. The latter are said to have the right to return to the simple message of the New Testament prior to that inculturation, in order to inculturate it anew in their own particular milieux. This thesis is not simply false, but it is coarse and lacking in precision. The New Testament was written in Greek and bears the imprint of the Greek spirit, which had already come to maturity as the Old Testament developed. True, there are elements in the evolution of the early Church which do not have to be integrated into all cultures. Nonetheless, the fundamental decisions made about the relationship between faith and the use of human reason are part of the faith itself; they are developments consonant with the nature of faith itself.
And so I come to my conclusion. This attempt, painted with broad strokes, at a critique of modern reason from within has nothing to do with putting the clock back to the time before the Enlightenment and rejecting the insights of the modern age. The positive aspects of modernity are to be acknowledged unreservedly: we are all grateful for the marvellous possibilities that it has opened up for mankind and for the progress in humanity that has been granted to us. The scientific ethos, moreover, is - as you yourself mentioned, Magnificent Rector - the will to be obedient to the truth, and, as such, it embodies an attitude which belongs to the essential decisions of the Christian spirit. The intention here is not one of retrenchment or negative criticism, but of broadening our concept of reason and its application. While we rejoice in the new possibilities open to humanity, we also see the dangers arising from these possibilities and we must ask ourselves how we can overcome them. We will succeed in doing so only if reason and faith come together in a new way, if we overcome the self-imposed limitation of reason to the empirically falsifiable, and if we once more disclose its vast horizons. In this sense theology rightly belongs in the university and within the wide-ranging dialogue of sciences, not merely as a historical discipline and one of the human sciences, but precisely as theology, as inquiry into the rationality of faith.
Only thus do we become capable of that genuine dialogue of cultures and religions so urgently needed today. In the Western world it is widely held that only positivistic reason and the forms of philosophy based on it are universally valid. Yet the world's profoundly religious cultures see this exclusion of the divine from the universality of reason as an attack on their most profound convictions. A reason which is deaf to the divine and which relegates religion into the realm of subcultures is incapable of entering into the dialogue of cultures. At the same time, as I have attempted to show, modern scientific reason with its intrinsically Platonic element bears within itself a question which points beyond itself and beyond the possibilities of its methodology. Modern scientific reason quite simply has to accept the rational structure of matter and the correspondence between our spirit and the prevailing rational structures of nature as a given, on which its methodology has to be based. Yet the question why this has to be so is a real question, and one which has to be remanded by the natural sciences to other modes and planes of thought - to philosophy and theology. For philosophy and, albeit in a different way, for theology, listening to the great experiences and insights of the religious traditions of humanity, and those of the Christian faith in particular, is a source of knowledge, and to ignore it would be an unacceptable restriction of our listening and responding. Here I am reminded of something Socrates said to Phaedo. In their earlier conversations, many false philosophical opinions had been raised, and so Socrates says: "It would be easily understandable if someone became so annoyed at all these false notions that for the rest of his life he despised and mocked all talk about being - but in this way he would be deprived of the truth of existence and would suffer a great loss".[13] The West has long been endangered by this aversion to the questions which underlie its rationality, and can only suffer great harm thereby. The courage to engage the whole breadth of reason, and not the denial of its grandeur - this is the programme with which a theology grounded in Biblical faith enters into the debates of our time. "Not to act reasonably, not to act with logos, is contrary to the nature of God", said Manuel II, according to his Christian understanding of God, in response to his Persian interlocutor. It is to this great logos, to this breadth of reason, that we invite our partners in the dialogue of cultures. To rediscover it constantly is the great task of the university.
[1] Of the total number of 26 conversations (διάλεξις – Khoury translates this as “controversy”) in the dialogue (“Entretien”), T. Khoury published the 7th “controversy” with footnotes and an extensive introduction on the origin of the text, on the manuscript tradition and on the structure of the dialogue, together with brief summaries of the “controversies” not included in the edition; the Greek text is accompanied by a French translation: “Manuel II Paléologue, Entretiens avec un Musulman. 7e Controverse”, Sources Chrétiennes n. 115, Paris 1966. In the meantime, Karl Förstel published in Corpus Islamico-Christianum (Series Graeca ed. A. T. Khoury and R. Glei) an edition of the text in Greek and German with commentary: “Manuel II. Palaiologus, Dialoge mit einem Muslim”, 3 vols., Würzburg-Altenberge 1993-1996. As early as 1966, E. Trapp had published the Greek text with an introduction as vol. II of Wiener byzantinische Studien. I shall be quoting from Khoury’s edition.
[2] On the origin and redaction of the dialogue, cf. Khoury, pp. 22-29; extensive comments in this regard can also be found in the editions of Förstel and Trapp.
[3] Controversy VII, 2 c: Khoury, pp. 142-143; Förstel, vol. I, VII. Dialog 1.5, pp. 240-241. In the Muslim world, this quotation has unfortunately been taken as an expression of my personal position, thus arousing understandable indignation. I hope that the reader of my text can see immediately that this sentence does not express my personal view of the Qur’an, for which I have the respect due to the holy book of a great religion. In quoting the text of the Emperor Manuel II, I intended solely to draw out the essential relationship between faith and reason. On this point I am in agreement with Manuel II, but without endorsing his polemic.
[4] Controversy VII, 3 b–c: Khoury, pp. 144-145; Förstel vol. I, VII. Dialog 1.6, pp. 240-243.
[5] It was purely for the sake of this statement that I quoted the dialogue between Manuel and his Persian interlocutor. In this statement the theme of my subsequent reflections emerges.
[6] Cf. Khoury, p. 144, n. 1.
[7] R. Arnaldez, Grammaire et théologie chez Ibn Hazm de Cordoue, Paris 1956, p. 13; cf. Khoury, p. 144. The fact that comparable positions exist in the theology of the late Middle Ages will appear later in my discourse.
[8] Regarding the widely discussed interpretation of the episode of the burning bush, I refer to my book Introduction to Christianity, London 1969, pp. 77-93 (originally published in German as Einführung in das Christentum, Munich 1968; N.B. the pages quoted refer to the entire chapter entitled “The Biblical Belief in God”). I think that my statements in that book, despite later developments in the discussion, remain valid today.
[9] Cf. A. Schenker, “L’Écriture sainte subsiste en plusieurs formes canoniques simultanées”, in L’Interpretazione della Bibbia nella Chiesa. Atti del Simposio promosso dalla Congregazione per la Dottrina della Fede, Vatican City 2001, pp. 178-186.
[10] On this matter I expressed myself in greater detail in my book The Spirit of the Liturgy, San Francisco 2000, pp. 44-50.
[11] Of the vast literature on the theme of dehellenization, I would like to mention above all: A. Grillmeier, “Hellenisierung-Judaisierung des Christentums als Deuteprinzipien der Geschichte des kirchlichen Dogmas”, in idem, Mit ihm und in ihm. Christologische Forschungen und Perspektiven, Freiburg 1975, pp. 423-488.
[12] Newly published with commentary by Heino Sonnemans (ed.): Joseph Ratzinger-Benedikt XVI, Der Gott des Glaubens und der Gott der Philosophen. Ein Beitrag zum Problem der theologia naturalis, Johannes-Verlag Leutesdorf, 2nd revised edition, 2005.
[13] Cf. 90 c-d. For this text, cf. also R. Guardini, Der Tod des Sokrates, 5th edition, Mainz-Paderborn 1987, pp. 218-221.


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