Showing posts sorted by relevance for query romanticism. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query romanticism. Sort by date Show all posts

Thursday, July 20, 2017

Romanticism: "a Half Way House Between Nihilism and Catholicism"


H.G. Schenk, The Mind of the European Romantics, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979, xviii, quoted in Tracey Rowland's Benedict XVI: A Guide for the Perplexed, New York: T&T Clark, 2010, 9.

Here is the full quote, a good definition of romanticism.

"...[The] 'Romantic movement'...is synonymous with rural beauty and pastoral contentment and sometimes aching sexual passions, mostly unrequited. The collective common factor is an aversion to the ugliness of the industrialized world and its highly rationalistic and materialistic culture, and a reverence for the natural order and its beauty. The movement had strong appeal for artists and intellectuals, that is, for those who wanted their lives to be something more than a contribution to the cold god of industry and capital. it emphasized such concepts as individuality or the personal uniqueness of each and every human being, the importance of memory and the motions of the human heart, the significance of cultures and traditions and the transcendental of beauty, especially as the latter is revealed in nature. H.G. Schenk described it as 'a half way house between nihilism and Catholicism'...Thus, Nietzsche and...Heidegger can be found at one end of the spectrum and Joseph Ratzinger and Hans Urs von Balthasar at the other. While the publication of Aeterni Patris in 1879 fostered a hyper-rationalist neo-scholasticism to out-reason the rationalists, in Baden-Wüttenberg and Lucerne and among English convert intellectuals and Anglo-Catholics, other currents of thought had been engaged with the concern of the Romantics. While they did not eschew the importance of truth or the work of the intellect, their starting point was the whole human person and the quest for self transcendence. They chose to enter the controversy about the relationship between faith and reason only after deepening their understanding of the relationship between faith and history. History in turn opens onto the terrain of memory and tradition and ultimately hermeneutics.

"In Germany the centre of this Catholic engagement with Romantic thought was to be found at the University of Tübingen. Its leading theologians were Johann Sebastian Drew (1777-1853); Johann Adam Möhler (1796-1838) and Johannes Evangelist von Kuhn (1806-1887). As Grant Kaplan has noted, they followed the lead of Schelling in rejecting Kant's project of stripping the positive and historical from Christianity, of proclaiming Christianity as a pure religion of reason. They also eschewed the post-Kantian tendency to reduce Christianity to the level of an ehtical framework. Drey emphasixze that the Catholci faith is a religion of 'sentiment' (Gemüth) as well as of reason (Verstand), and that revelation is itself an historical event. This in turn highlighted the importance of the individual in the reception of revelation. Following the logic of Lessing's Education of the Human Race, Drey concluded that what education is for the individual, revelation is for all of humanity. Similiarly, von Kuhn described the philosophy of Christian revelation as 'the presence of Christ revealed historically, not dialectically'. Meanwhile Möhler added to this accent on history by positing an organic unity between the Christian community and Christ. As Kaplan explained, for Möhler 'the chain of history from nineteenth-century Swabia to first-century Palestine is unbroken. In order to be salvific, the saving truth of Christianity must have been present, even in a truncated form, for ever generation of believers'. This is because access to the truth occurs by living the truth. In a work published in 1988, Joseph Ratzinger was to describe Möhler as 'the great reviver of Catholic theology after the ravages of the Enlightenment'." 9-10

Cf. Dawson on Romanticism

Tuesday, December 9, 2025

Pope Benedict XVI: Augustinian at Heart


Pope Benedict’s theological legacy: An Augustinian at heart who influenced the course of Vatican II and beyond


The late Cardinal Joachim Meisner, archbishop of Cologne, once described Joseph Ratzinger as the “Mozart of theology.” Others have suggested that Carl Maria von Weber or Anton Bruckner might be a better comparison. Both are emblematic of Austro-German romanticism.

Ratzinger was interested in the relationship between love and truth, affectivity as well as objectivity, the significance of history for personal formation, the historical character of revelation, and the role of beauty in evangelization. History, beauty and love and the relation of all three to the formation of the human person are core Romantic movement interests and, in the style of Bruckner, Ratzinger wove together his analyses of these relationships in strongly polyphonic essays using rich, harmonic language. He managed to bring to the fore these neglected elements in Catholic thought without jettisoning what had come to be regarded as the classical elements. In this sense Ratzinger was the theological analogue of a musical synthesis of Mozart and von Weber or Bruckner, if such a thing were possible. For those who wanted the romantic element without the classical he was considered a dangerous reactionary, and for those who wanted the classical without the romantic he was seen as a dangerous liberal.

Augustinian at Heart

The generations ahead will form their own judgments based on the volumes of his published works, which include over 60 books and magisterial documents spanning his quarter-century partnership with Pope John Paul II as prefect of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith and his own almost-eight-year papacy. They will no doubt regard him as one of the six most significant Catholic theologians of the 20th century, along with Karl Rahner, S.J., Yves Congar, O.P., the Rev. Romano Guardini, Henri de Lubac, S.J., and the Rev. Hans Urs von Balthasar. The first two were fellow theological experts at the Second Vatican Council, with whom he had positive collaborations (though he later distanced himself from those aspects of Rahner’s anthropology that derived from elements in German idealist philosophy, and unlike Congar, resigned from the editorial board of the theological journal Concilium as it veered away from official magisterial teaching in the 1970s). The latter three were all, in different contexts, his intellectual heroes. De Lubac was also a fellow expert at the council. Ratzinger once wrote that it was impossible for him to say how much he owed to de Lubac and von Balthasar.

In searching for a short statement that might encapsulate the vast range of Ratzinger’s polyphonic contributions, I came across the following passage in Memory in Augustine’s Theological Anthropology (2012), by Paige E. Hochschild: 
God moves the intellect and will through the knowledge that comes through the memory. The universal, for Augustine, can be perceived only through the particular. This must, therefore, happen through history, through the visible, sensible works of Christ, through the practice of the virtues, the love of one’s neighbor, the life of the church, its sacraments, and above all its scripture. From these experiences, a person has an intimation of what the happiness of the caelum caeli consists in. 

One can easily substitute the name Ratzinger for Augustine in this passage and have a summary statement of Ratzinger’s theological vision. In his own words, Ratzinger was “a decided Augustinian,” and like Augustine, he believed that God could be perceived only in the particular. He wrote in Principles of Catholic Theology (1982):

Man finds his center of gravity, not inside, but outside himself. The place to which he is anchored is not, as it were, within himself, but without. This explains that remnant that remains always to be explained, the fragmentary character of all his efforts to comprehend the unity of history and being. Ultimately, the tension between ontology and history has its foundation in the tension within human nature itself, which must go out of itself in order to find itself; it has its foundation in the mystery of God, which is freedom and which, therefore, calls each individual by a name that is known to no other. Thus, the whole is communicated to him in the particular.

God in History

In the same work Ratzinger described the problem of “coming to an understanding of the mediation of history within the realm of ontology” as nothing less than the “fundamental crisis of our age.”

Post-Tridentine scholasticism had prided itself on its rejection of what was perceived to be a Protestant fixation on history. But in an intellectual landscape highly influenced by German Romanticism and the philosophy of Martin Heidegger, the Catholic engagement with history could not be left unattended without the church’s scholars losing all intellectual credibility. It was the Munich circle of scholars who were at the forefront of the engagement following the leads of the 19th-century Tübingen theologians and working on trajectories similar to those of John Henry Newman. It was within this milieu that the young Joseph Ratzinger came to the attention of Cardinal Josef Frings of Cologne who invited him to attend the Vatican II as his theological expert.

The document of the council that carries the strongest evidence of Ratzinger’s involvement is the “Dogmatic Constitution on Divine Revelation.” In this document the Suarezian account of revelation as something fundamentally propositional, “a clutch-purse of doctrines,” as it is sometimes described, was set aside in favor of a historical account that presents Christ himself as the revelation of God the Father to humanity. Following Romano Guardini, Ratzinger argued, “Revelation does not reveal something, nor does it reveal various kinds of things, but in the man Jesus, in the man who is God, we are able to understand the whole nature of man.” In Ratzinger’s best-selling work Introduction to Christianity (1968), which was translated into 17 languages, he explained the idea in these terms:

Christian belief is not merely concerned, as one might at first suspect from all the talk of belief or faith, with the eternal, which as the “entirely Other” would remain completely outside the human world and time; on the contrary, it is much more concerned with God in history, with God as man. By thus seeming to bridge the gulf between eternal and temporal, between visible and invisible, by making us meet God as a man, the eternal as the temporal, as one of us, it understands itself as revelation.
Given Ratzinger’s interest in the way God relates to the human person through individual moments in history, it is no surprise that two of his favorite theological topics were the theological virtues (faith, hope and love) and eucharistic theology. The theological virtues are central to the human person’s development and friendship with God; and it is through the reception of the sacraments, and in particular the Eucharist, that one grows in this friendship.

This friendship does not involve the absorption of the individual into God but rather to the transformation of difference into the higher union of love. The path to this higher union involves conversion and purification and as such takes the shape of the cross.

Included in his analysis of the theological virtues (which owes much to the work of Josef Pieper, the Thomist philosopher who fatefully introduced him to Cardinal Wojtyła) is an account of the way in which the virtues have undergone mutations within modern and postmodern culture. People still believe things, hope for things and love things, but in ways that are highly problematic. There is more faith in science than in Christ, more hope for material prosperity than for eternal life, and widespread confusion about how to relate eros with agape. There is also confusion about how to relate faith to reason. Here it is significant that when Ratzinger spoke of “reason” he did not mean the same thing as Immanuel Kant. His understanding of this relationship was Augustinian, not post-Kantian, and explains his aversion to some schools of preconciliar Thomism. Philosophy should not be the pure reason of Kant or René Descartes but should accept the contribution of divine revelation and thus partner with theology in seeking to analyze the fruits of revelation. This makes a significant difference to Christian epistemology.

It is sometimes said that the United States did not have a 19th century. The Romantic philosophy so pervasive in continental (especially German) thought in that century did not make the Atlantic crossing. Perhaps that is why it is still possible to find American Catholics who find it difficult to understand why anyone would say that the most serious theological crisis of the 20th century was coming to an understanding of the mediation of history in the realm of ontology. For those who do get the point that Catholic scholarship has little or no credibility without this and that the new evangelization depends upon the church’s scholars getting this right, the theological works of Joseph Ratzinger will continue to offer insights into fragments of the problem.

Joseph Ratzinger’s life was one long heroic intellectual performance, engaging his whole heart—a theo-drama with all the pathos of a Bayreuth festival. In Ratzinger’s case, however, Bavarian Catholic piety triumphed over whatever it is in the German spirit that remains nostalgic for pagan heroics.

Sunday, January 18, 2026

The Greatest Figures of the Romantic Age


After reading the excellent 1966 book The Mind of the European Romantics by H.D. Schenk, on the key role of Christianity and especially Catholicism in the life and achievement of the greatest figures of the 19th century Romantic movement in literature and the arts I was left with the question, who were the greatest figures of that movement which can be held up as models to be studied and imitated today?

The answer, of course, as in any age, is, the Saints!, the canonized Saints and declared Doctors of the Church from that period and within that movement of human culture.

Here is my spontaneous short-list, on which I might enlarge in the future.

Saint John Henry Newman, Doctor of the Church, particularly for his thought on the historical development of Christian/Catholic doctrine.

Saint Therese of Lisieux, Doctor of the Church.

Saint John Bosco

Saint Anthony Mary Claret 

Saint John Marie Vianney

Saint Catherine Laboure

Saint Bernadette Soubirous, visionary of Our Lady of Lourdes

Blessed Pope Pius IX

And, I would also add another great Pontiff of that age: Pope Leo XIII Giovanni Maria Battista Pietro Pellegrino Isidoro Mastai-Ferrett

The great Catalan poet, Father Jacinto Verdaguer

And, of course, the great, also Catalan architect Antoni Gaudi 

Here is a list (Wikipedia) of all of the Saints and Blesseds of the 19th Century, the age of romanticism, a tremendous age of holiness!

 
Alphabetical List 

Saturday, September 24, 2016

Troubadour Songs

Christopher Dawson says that the beginning of the Romantic Movement was a return to the Middle Ages, with its Christianity, its Chivalry and its songs. Mediæval Religion, 124.

Take a listen.
7. Cypriano de Rore (1516-1565) "Vergine Pura." 11:49-16.25 is especially sweet.


The Romantic Movement is not to be identified with "the movement of return to nature and sentiment that has its origin with Rousseau...The two are no more to be identified with one another than the Renaissance is to be identified with the Reformation."

"Indeed the relation between Humanism and Protestantism affords a very fair parallel to that between Romanticism and Rousseauism." 124

In other words, the anti-Hellenic Protestant back to the sources is just as oxymoronic as the anti-religious/anti-authority back to sources of true humanity in nature and sentiment of Rousseauism. For the sources of Christianity are thoroughly Hellenic and the sources of a true humanity are thoroughly religious and imbued with clear hierarchical order in its nobility and pristine beauty.

Women's voices.

Tuesday, January 19, 2016

Nietzsche's Christian Importance: Proclaiming the End of an Age


During the last period of the nineteenth century and the first years of the twentieth century a further phase of Western civilization came to an end. 156 

...The goal of the Liberal Enlightenment and revolution had been reached, and Europe at last possessed a completely secularised culture. The old religion had not been destroyed; in fact throughout Protestant Europe the churches still possessed a position of established privilege. But they held this position only on the condition that they did not interfere with the reign of Mammon. In reality they had been pushed aside into a backwater where they were free to stagnate in peace and to brood over the memory of dead controversies which had moved the mind of Europe three centuries before.

On the other hand the intellectuals who had contributed so much to the victory of the new order of things were in a somewhat similar plight. They found themselves powerless to influence the movement of civilisation, which had cut itself free, not only from tradition, but also from art and thought. The spiritual leadership that was possessed by Voltaire and Rousseau, by Goethe and Fichte, was now a thing of the past. 

The men of letters were expected to follow society, not to lead it. And this is what many of them did, whether with the professional servility of the journalist or with the disinterested fanaticism of the realist, who affirmed his artistic integrity by the creation of an imaginary world no less devoid of spiritual significance than was the social world in which he lived.

A large number found neither of these alternatives satisfactory. They turned to literature and art as a means of escape from reality. That was the meaning to many of the catchwords "Art for Art's sake." (It's true meaning, however, is to be found rather in the dilettantism of Oscar Wilde). Symbolism and aestheticism, the Ivory Tower and the Celtic Twilight, Satanism and the cult of "Evil", hashish and absinthe ; all of them were ways by which the last survivors of Romanticism made their escape, leaving the enemy in possession of the field.

There was, however, one exception, one man who refused to surrender. Whatever his weaknesses Friedrich Nietzsche was neither a time-server nor a coward. He at least stood for the supremacy of spirit, when so many of those whose office it was to defend it had fallen asleep or had gone over to the enemy. He remained faithful to the old ideals of the Renaissance culture, the ideals of creative genius and of the self-affirmation of the free personality, and he revolted against the blasphemies of an age which degraded the personality and denied the power of the spirit in the name of humanity and liberty.

Nevertheless, Nietzsche himself was far from being a humanist. Humanism is essentially a via media, and in the nineteenth century the via media had become identical with mediocrity. In Nietzsche's eyes humanity had become something either ridiculous or shameful, and the attempt to pass beyond humanity led him to the negation of humanism and the destruction of his own personality; as he said, the way of the creator is to burn himself in his own fire. Yet the tragedy of Nietzsche is the tragedy of the end of humanism, since it only reveals with exceptional clearness the ultimate consequences of the antinomy that was inherent in the humanist tradition from the beginning. 157-159

...Instead of the heroic exaltation of humanity which was characteristic of the naturalism of the Renaissance, we see the humiliation of humanity in the anti-human naturalism of Zola. Man is stripped of his glory and freedom and left as a naked human animal shivering in an inhuman universe. 163

Thus humanism by its own inner development is eventually brought to deny itself and to pass away into its opposite. For Nietzsche, who refused to surrender the spiritual element in the Renaissance tradition, humanism is transcended in an effort to attain to the superhuman without abandoning the self-assertion and the rebellious freedom of the individual will--an attempt which inevitably ends in self-destruction. But modern civilization as a whole could not follow this path. It naturally chose to live as best it could, rather than to commit a spectacular suicide. And so, in order to adapt itself to the new conditions, it was forced to throw over the humanist tradition.

Hence the increasing acceptance of the mechanisation of life...a growing tendency towards the de-intellectualisation and exteriorisation of life.

"Christianity and the New Age" by Christopher Dawson in Essays in Order, New York: MacMillan, 1931.
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